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S E 

DELITERED BEFORE HIS EXCELtENCY 

CALEB STRONG, Efq. Governor, 

THE HONORABLE THE 

COUNCIL, SENATE, 

AND 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

OF THE 

Mav 26, 1802. 
BEING THE DAY OF 

(I5enEral election. 

■/ 

BY Thomas Baldwin, a. m. 

MINISTER or THE SECOND BAPTIST CHURCH IN BOSTON. 



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SWrpiV ,•— 'PRIMTED BY VOVXG £3^ KXKM3, STATB ?B>t5TRRS, 



,BI8 



Oo7n7non7v-6ctUri or ^.ypladdacnud&Uda 



Jn the Houfe of Reprefentativet, May 2yt6, l8o4. 

ORDERED, That the Hon. Speaker, Mr. Otis, 
Mr. RussEL-L, Mr. Parkman, Mr. Lowell, Mr. 
Brown, and Mr. Honnewell, be a Committee te wait on 
the Rev. Thomas Baldwin, and to thank him in the name 
of the Houfe, for his difcourfe delivered before His Excellen- 
cy The Governor, the Hon. Council, and the two 
Branches of the Legislature, on the 26th inftant, the 

day of General Eleftion, and to requeil a copy thereof for 
the prefs- 

Extras from the Journals. 
Aiteji, HENRY WARREN, CArriEq/-//^^ 

Houfe of Reprefentat'tves. 




ELECTION SERMON, 



»^'i,^^'\\'\^%^^« 



I ^-ETER, ii. l6. 



^^ASFJiEEa AND M07 USING TOUR LIBERTY FOR A 
CLOKE OF MAI 
FANTS OF GOD^' 



CLOKE OF MALICIOUSNESS ; BUT AS THE SER^ 



Innumerable are the favors which in- 
dulgent heaven beflows on the children of men. 
Among the choiceft of an earthly nature, we may- 
reckon the enjoyment of perfonal fafety,the acquifi- 
tion of property, and in general the liberty of doing 
whatever will not be injurious to the rights of 
Others, 

In order to fecure thefe bleflings men have been 
induced to afibciate together. Their mutual wants 
and weakneffes urge them to unite for their com- 
mon fafety ; and a reciprocation of kind oflices, in 
aflifling and pioteding each other, forms the bond 
of their focial union. 

To give force, however, to fuch combinations, 
they muft be reduced to fyftem, their principles de- 
fined. 



fined, and order and fubordination eftabliflied. By 
thus uniting, the ftrength of the whole body, upon 
any emergency, can eafily be colleded to a fmgle 
point. In this union only individual and perfonal 
fafety can be enjoyed. It will hence follow, that 
where the rights and privileges of all are fecured, 
and equal protedion extended, all mull be under 
obligations to contribute to the fupport, and to yield 
obedience to them who are appointed to carry the 
public will into efFeft. 

Thefe duties are inferred from the nature of civil 
government in general, from the exprefs principles 
of oMrfocial compa6l^ and from the plain declarations 
in the word of God. 

The facred fcriptures inform us of the origin and 
progrefs of fociety, feveral centuries beyond what 
can be found in any other writings. 

The particular hiftory of the Jewifh nation for 
many ages together, and God's providential deal- 
ings towards that highly favoured people, afford us 
much interefting inflruftion. Their civil policy, 
which was principally dilated by God himfelf, and 
the influence which religion had in forming their 
national chara^er, have been faithfully recorded 
and handed down to us. 

The glory of this nation had been gradually de- 
clining for live centuries before the Chriftian era 5 
and at this time they were groaning under the Ro- 
man yoke. They were indeed looking for a Mes- 
siah, but had no idea that Jesus of l^azareth was 
the perfon. They were expefting a temporal deliv- 
erer, and not a fpiritual Savior. Therefore when 
Christ attempted to introduce the gofpel difpenfa. 

tion 



_5 

lion among them, they charged him with a feditious 
defign againft the Roman government. And al- 
though he declared that his kingdom was not of 
this world, yet his enemies infilled that he was en- 
deavouring to eftablifh a feparate intereft, which in 
its tendency was fubverfive of focial order, and hof- 
tile to the exifting powers. No inference could be 
more unjuft, nor a charge more ialfe and cruel j 
yet on this pretence Pilats was prevailed upon to 
give fentence againft him. '* If, faid they, thou let- 
eft this man go, thou art not Cafar*s friend ; for 
whofoever maketh himfelf a king fpeaketh againft 

The fame invidious charge was brought againft 
the Difciples of Christ, and often made the pre- 
text for their perfecution. They charged Paul 
with being *' a peftilent fellow, and a mover of fe- 
dition among all the Jews throughout the world.** 
In order to wipe off a ftigma fo foul, and to con- 
vince his adverfaries that the benevolent religion of 
the gofpel was not unfriendly to focial order, we 
find him frequently inculcating upon his chriftian 
brethren, the duties of fubmiflion and obedience to 
eftabliflied authority. In his epiftle to the Romans, 
he charged them to "be fubjed to the higher pow- 
ers ;'* by which he evidently meant civil magif- 
trates. To give force to the exhortation he adds, 
*' for there is no power but of God j the powers 
that be are ordained of God." 1 he fame Apoftle 
directed Timothy to offer up " fupplications, pray- 
ers, and interceffions for all that were in authority.*' 
He alfo charged Titm to put the flock to which he 
miniftered in mind, '' to be fubjed to principalities 

and 



6 • 

and powers, to obey magiflrates, and to be ready to 
every good work." 

It is worthy of obfervation, that when the ApoHIe 
wrote thefe epiftles, the civil authority was wholly 
in the hands of Heathen magiftrates. And foine 
of them too the greateft monfters of cruelty, that 
were ever fuffered to fway a fceptre, or difgrace a 
throne. Tyrants, who were diftinguifhed only by 
their crimes, and rendered immortal only by their 
infamy. Yet fuch was the pacific fpirit of the gof- 
pel, that Chriftians were exhorted to " be fubje£t, 
not only for wrath," that is for fear of punifhment, 
^'but for confcience fake." 

Sentiments fimilar to thefe were enforced by the 
Apoflle Peter, in our conte^jt. *' Submit yourfelves, 
faid he, to every ordinance of man for the Lord's 
fake. For this is the will of God, that with well- 
doing ye may^ put to filence the ignorance of fooU 
i(h men. As fre-;, and not tifing your liberty for a 
cloke of malicioujncfs ; hut as thefervants of God.** 

The fenfe of the text will more fully appear, by 
the following familiar paraph rafe. As if he had 
faid ; *' you will not, my brethren, midake the na- 
ture of your Chrifiian liberty, to fuppofe that be- 
caufe you profefs to be the difciples of Christ, you 
aje freed from your allegiance to the government 
under which you are placed. It is true, that if the 
Son hath made you free, then are you free indeed. 
But this freedom confifts in being delivered from 
the guilt and power of fin, from the dominion of 
your own lufts, and from final condemnation at the 
great day when God fhall judge the world by 
Jesus Christ. But inftead of leffening your ob- 
ligations 



&gations to contribute to the peace and order of fo- 
ciety, it greatly increafes them. Your duty as 
Chriftians is urged by higher motives, and your 
obedience fecured by more folemn fandions. Sub- 
mit yourl elves therefore to every ordinance of man, 
defigned for the good of fociety, and not inconfif- 
tent with the dictates of your own confciences, or 
the duties you owe to your God : And thus, by 
well-doing, you will put to filence the ignorance of 
fooliih men, who reprefent your fentiments as tend- 
ing to difloyalty and fedition. As free, but not 
abufmg your liberty in ufmg it as a cloke for mali- 
cious conduct ; but in all circuraftances condu£c- 
ing yourfelves faithfully as the fervants of God.** 

From the fubjed thus placed before us, we are 
naturally led to the following inquiries. When 
may a people be faid to be free ? What are the 
means beft calculated to preferve their freedom, 
and promote their happinefs and profperity ? And, 
In what refpe£ls are they in danger from the abufe 
of their liberty ? 

In order to find a free people, we need not re- 
pair to Lybia's burning fands, to learn the favage 
cuftoms and manners of thofe barbarous defcendants 
of IJhmael, who indeed boaft of their freedom, but 
whofe liberty eflentially confilts, in committing, with 
impunity and without a blufh, the moft flagrant a6ts 
tif violence and injuflice. Nor is it neceflary that 
the reftraints impofed by wife and equitable laws 
ihould be taken off, and the force of moral princi- 
ple removed in order to render a people free. Such 
a {late gf things would onjy produce a lawlefs xm^ 
governable freedom, which would terminate in the 
word kind of anarchy and Gonfufion. 

It 



It is evident thit itiany who pretend td be th^ 
Votaries ojf liberty, never underftood its true priAci- 
plesj nor condufted themfelves worthy of its bleflf- 
ings. Cenuine focial liberty can never exift with- 
out being pr6te£led and fupported by law, enlight- 
ened and aided by morality and religion. 

But what peculiarly didinguiflles Sl free people 
from all others, is, the right they collectively pof- 
fefs to govern themfelves : Or in other words, the 
right of choofmg and eftablifhing their own forms 
of government ; and of appointing to office thofe 
who make and execute the laws. 

That very confiderable privileges may be enjoy- 
ed under a defpotic government, and that the 
rights of juftice may in general be maintained, will 
be readily admitted. But if the government exifts 
independent of the governed, they cannot be faid to 
be free. Their fecurity for the few privileges they 
do enjoy, depends not on their acknowledged 
rights, but entirely on the will and difpofition of 
the perfons in office. 

All legitimate governments are, or ought to be 
founded in compad. For it is not eafy to conceive 
how one man fhould have a right to rule over ano- 
ther, equally free as himfelf, without his confeut : 
And fhould any one prefume to exercife authority 
over any portion of his fellow-men, without their 
cxprefs or implied confent ; they might, with great 
propriety, demand of him by what authority he did it ? 
and who gave him this authority ? 

But, inftead of being founded in compaft, moll 
of the governments which exift, owe their origin to 
fome ufurping tyrant j who, being more crafty, or 

more 

y 



hiore powerful than his neighbors, aflumed domin- 
ion over them. Power thus wrongfully obtained 
at firfl, after defcending from hand to hand for a 
few generations, at length becomes legitimated and 
confirmed by time. 

The people of thefe U?iited States ' are peculiarly 
happy in this refped. Our hiftory does not begin 
with narrating the exploits of fome fanguinary 
Chiefi whofe blood-flained crimes like thofe of Pi- 
zarro rendered him the terror of defericelefs inno- 
cence, and the execration oF mankind. No ; we 
glory in a race of anceftors, who were men of the 
purefl morals, and moil unfullied virtue. Who 
were too pious to diliemble, and to independent to 
■fubmit to ecclefiaftical fulminations. Men who 
were willing to leave their dear native fllores, and 
crofs the wide fpreading ocean in queft of this bet- 
ter country. Who cheerfully encountered the nu- 
merous perils of an inhofpitable wildernefs, in order 
to fecure to themfelves and their pofterity, the un- 
molefted enjoyment of civil and religious liberty. 

Thefe blefTmgs and privileges they bequeathed 
with their dying breath to their children ; and in 
defence of this precious legacy, we feel ourfelves 
jullified to Cod and the univerfe, in appealing to 
arms in our late glorious revolution. 

Our caufe was jufl, and heaven fucceeded it. The 
conteft was fevere, but .victory and glory followed. 
The fun of freedom which had been gradually rif- 
ing upon thefe infant ftates, now burft forth in me- 
ridian fplendor. A nation was born in a day. A 
new era commenced. Another empire appeared 
on the map of the world, Aftouifhed ^wope be- 
B \ beld 



1-6 

held in this wefieni hemlfphfere a new conftellatioiiv 
Conjediire was on tiptoe gazing, and fpeculatioi* 
with unnfual adroitnefs was endeavouring to find its 
itiagnitude and motion. Some thought they dif- 
covered anew planet in the political horizon, mov- 
ing regularly in its own orbit. Others concluded 
it would prove only a fatellite of feme Europe- 
an power. jBut many Who vie Wed it through a fet 
of royal optics, conceived it to be only a baleful 
comet, portending revolution and war, making a 
hafty tranfit, and expected momently it would dif- 
appear. But, they had yet to learn that we were 
*' a world by ourfelves ;" that we were independent 
Republicans ; that we were free. 

When the palTions incident to a flate of war had 
fubfided, and God had given us reft from all our 
enemies round about, the public attention was natur- 
ally drawn to our internal fituation. . Our provi- 
fional government, w'hi ch, like the tabernacle in the 
wildemers,had been erected during our revolution- 
ary march, was too defective and inefficient for our 
future fecurityr It was unable to preferve public 
credit, or fecure public confidence. It hence be- 
came indifpenfibly neceiTary in order to confolidate 
the union of the States, and to give permanency and 
dignity to our national character, that a new Con- 
ilitution fliould be formed. That the powers of 
the different branches of the general government 
Hiould be fpecifically defined ; their Hmits fo dif- 
tindly marked as not to interfere with each other ; 
and fufficient energy given to the whole, to fupport 
order and tranquility at home, honor and good faith 
with all nations with whom we were conneded a- 

broad. 

Delegates 



II 

Relegates were ijccordingly appointed by the 
different States who met in convention for this pur- 
pofe. This was at ^ time arid under circuinftances 
peculiarly favourable to the defign. The attach- 
ments which we once felt for royalty, had been 
completely fubdued, by a long feries of tyrannical 
and vindidtive opprelTion. Nor had the Republican 
name at this time, been difgraced by adtsof cruelty 
and irreligion. The friendly ties which bound us 
together during the period of our conmion danger, 
had fcarcely began to flacken ; and invidious dif- 
tindtions between the different States were made (if 
^t all) with great caution, Party-fpirit, that y^/o/- 
lygn of all popular governments as yet flept in fiient' 
embryo. (Would to God its fleep had been per- 
petual.) No fufpicious circumftances of perfonaj 
power and aggrandizsement, awakened either our 
jealoufies or our fears. Nor could we feel any, for 
at the head of this venerable aflfembly was our lat6 
ILLUSTRIOUS Chief. But not in arms like a per. 
petual DiSlator, awing them into fubmifficn to his 
will. No J for like TimoHon when he faw his coun- 
try free, he fheathed his fword and returned to the 
rank of a private citizen. Never was there an Af- 
fembly convened upon a more interefting and im- 
portant occafion. For not only the prefent fate of 
their country, but the future deiliny of unborn mil- 
lions depended upon their decifions. 1 hey were to 
lay the foundation of an empire, the extent and du- 
ration of which it was impolfible to calculate.— 
What an augult fpedacle was here ! the Fathers of 
our tribes deliberately forming a plan of govern- 
ment. The volume* of aiitic^uity were open before 

them, 



them, and the experience of alienations and ages en* 
riched their difcuflions. After furveying the inter* 
efts of the whole, and making fuch mutual concef". 
fions as local circumftances required, they unani^ 
moufly agreed in the effential articles of our pre«« 
fent excellent Conftitution. It was then fubmitted 
again to the feveral States, and by them examined^ 
approved and accepted, and thus became the fu-. 
preme law of the land. This it is conceived is lit^ 
crally 2. fodal compact y what political writers* havQ 
faid to the contrary, notwithftanding. 

This facred inftrument ought to be confidered as 
the great charter of our rights and privileges, an4 
as, the foundation of our national civil policy. So 
long as we preferye it inviolate, and govern our^ 
felves according to its true fpirit, fo long we (hall 
continue to be a free people. It will be impoflible 
for defpotic power to fupport itfelf m America^ until 
we bafely degenerate from the fpirit of our ancef^ 
tors, and depart entirely from the principles of our 
confederation. 

One great fecurity againfl the abufe of power, is 
the fhort tenure by which it is held. No offices 
are made hereditary, and for this plain reafon \ 
conceive, that talents and virtue, which are effential 
qualifications, are not hereditary. 

No country ever exhibited a fairer fpecimen of 
moral juftice than ours, nor can any be found of e- 
qual population where capital punifiiments are lef$ 
frequent. It is not becaufe we fuffer crimes to go 

unpunifiied, 

* PaUyt fuppofes there never was fuch a thing as a fecial compadt, 
ftriftly fpeaking, but allows that this comes the cearcft of any thjng 
to be met with. Sec alfo Burgh' i Polit, Difq. 



11 

ynpuniflied, but by encouraging fober habits and 
moral principles, we in a great degree prevent 
them. Our laws indeed are mild, and not like 
thofe of DracQ, written in blood. 

Religion, at all times eflential to the well-being 
of fociety, though not e/^ablijhed, is protected and 
encouraged by the laws of our coumry. This fen- 
timent correfponds with that divine declaration, 
"By Me kings reign and princes decree juftice ;'* 
importing, that they need Christ's religion to fup- 
port their tottering thrones, but that his caufe coulcl 
exift without their authority. No fedarian creed 
is impofed by law upon any man, nor have we any- 
national formulary excepting the bible ; and every 
man is at liberty to interpret this according to the 
didates of his own confcience, and is accountable 
only to God for his errors. 

Oppreflion may gain a temporary exiftence un- 
der the pureit government, by the mifmanagement 
of particular agents j but it ought not to be attribut- 
ed to the laws, but to their perverfion. 

The Conftitution of this Commonwealth declares 
jtfelf the friend and protestor of every man, who de- 
means himfelf quietly and peaceably as a good fub- 
jed, let his religious fentiments be what they may. 
It has aifo decreed, that " no fubordination of any 
one fed or denomination to another (hall ever be 
eftablilhed by law." 

If it be acknowledged that men have a right to 
ferve God according to the light of their own un- 
derftandings, then they cannot be conftitutionally 
deprived of the means of ferving him. It is not e- 
nough that the mind be left free j for the command 



15. 



44 

is, thou fiialt <*honor the Lord with thy fubftance." 
What Mo/es faid when he was about to leave £- 
gypt will apply in the prefent cafej «*Our cattle aifp, 
faid he, (hall go with us, there (hall not an hoof be 
left behind ; for thereof muft we take to ferve the 
Lord our God ; and we know not with what we 
muft ferve the Lord until we are come hither." 

It is with peculiar pleafure that we obferve at the 
prefent day, the increafing prevalence of chriftian 
candor and liberality. This candor it is hoped, is 
not the offspring of torpid indiiferency ; much lef^ 
of infidelity j but arifes from more jufl and enlarged 
views of the nature and genius of the gofpel. While 
Chriflians are lefs zealous in defending fome of the 
outworks of the fyflem? they ought to be more firm- 
ly united in fupporting the effential articles of the 
"Faith once delivered to the Saints.'^ 

Having thus confjdered fome of our mofl effen- 
tial rights both civil and facred which we poffcfs, 
and which we hope to convey unimpaired to our 
children ; fliall I be chargeable with vanity in faying, 
there never has been a nation whole hiflory has 
come down to our knowledge, which has enjoyed 
civil and religious liberty in a greater degree than 
we do. If we are not a free people, I confefs it 
furpaffes my ingenuity to conceive how a people 
can be fo. 

We proceed Secondly to Inquire, What are the 
means hcfl calculated to prefcrve our freedorn, and to 
pr&mote cur happinefs and profptrity ? 

To which it may be anfwered, i. That as all 
popular governments depend in a great degree on 
public fentiment, it is highly important that this 
iliould be enlightened,' 

It 



If is" an otifervation which 1 believe will not be 
controverted ; that the more defpotic a government 
is, the more ignorant the people generally ate. It 
is undoubtedly the intereft of thofe in power to keep 
them fo. For were they once fo enlightened as to 
uMerftand the nature of civil liberty, and to a6t 
'ipon any rational fyftem in recovering their ufurp- 
ed rights, it would be impoflible to keep them in 
i'ubjeftion. It is juftly obferved by Paley^ that " the 
phyfrcal flrength refides in the governed." It is, 
therefore, truly aHionifliing to fee million's of ration- 
al beings, no ways " deficient in flrength or cour- 
age," fubmitting to the will of a fmgle tyrant ; and 
with all the docility of the laboring ox, put their* 
necks quietly under his yoke. Still to keep up this 
ignorance every manly fentiment is fuppreffed, and 
every ray of political light fliut out, and the fiavifh 
do£lrine of nonrefi/iance and pajjive obedience incul- 
cated, with all the zeal of fanaticifm, and enforced 
with the terrors of everlafting puniflimertt. 

In a reprefentative republic jiift: the reverfe of this 
becorties neceffary. Here, it is all-important that 
the people fhould be enlightened j as they are the 
acknowledged fource of all power, whether le^ifla- 
tive or executive. Correft political information, 
therefore, cannot be too generally and widely dif=. 
fufed. 

As the public papers are the common medium of 
this information, it is of the higheft importance to 
the well-being of fociety, that they fliould be con- 
duced with intelligence and ability, and like a wit- 
nefs under oath, that they fhould " tell the truth, 
the whole truth, and nothing but the truth." Pub- 
lic 



il 

lie opinlonj which often controuls the mofl imp6ifi i 
tant concerns of a government, is itfelf controuled / 
and directed by fo trifling a thing as a News-papen / 
If mifreprefentations and falfehood are propagated / 
inftead of truth, the confequence will be, the people / 
will be mifled, and their liberties endangered/ 
But the full vengeance of an abufed public, will ip. 
the end, return upon the heads of thofe who have 
been thus guilty of deceiving them. / 

We alfo add, thofe literary inftitutions founded 
by our venerable anceflors, for the education of 
youth, with others of a later date 5 and to which 
the prefent improved ftate of fociety is fo mu^h in- 
debted, mufi: be cherifhed and fupported with una- 
bating folicitude. There can hardly be a'Tubjadl 
more intercfting to a community, or more defer v- 
ing of legiflative attention, than the education of 
youth and children. When this is negle^Sted, an in- 
jury is done to fociety v/hich it is impoflible to re- 
pair. It is equally a violation of the l^w of nature, 
and of the exprefs command of Goi>. To bring 
up our children in the " nurture and admonition 
of the Lord j" is an apoftolic injui^ion. It will 
be impoffible to do this, if we negte their educa- 
tion. The Legiflature of this CoalmGnwealth have 
done much already, and we hopel:hey will not "be 
weary in well doing ;" and tMt their Iq/i works 
may be more than their firfl, i 

As thofe impreffions whichjire made upon th6 
minds of children, are feldoi|i if ever erafed j it is 
the more important that th^r education fhould be 
properly conducted. It was a judicious remark of 
an ancient kinjj of Ladfdemgn, '«That nothing 

ihould 



\ 



feould be taught children, but Avhat may be eventu- 
ally lifeful." Their tender minds frequently im^ 
bibe ferttiments at a much earlier period than we 
* are apt to conceive, which have an influence ever 
wifter upon their conduct. Hannibal, was but nine 
years old when he was led to the altar by Hamilcar 
his father, and took the oath of perpetual enmity 
td' the Romans, The folemnity of this tranfadion 
made an impreffion upon his mind, which probably 
^ccj^nts for his future condu ct towards that people. 
Thofe to whom this important truft is commit- 
ted, 6ught to be men of principle as well as talents. 
A vicious man, always lacks an effential qualifica- 
tion to%iculcate the principles of virtue. To pro- 
ted and aid the opening germ of genius ; " to teach 
the youn^ ideas how to (hoot ;'* to give a proper 
JTet to the wayward paflions ; ^nd above all to im- 
prefs the tender m.ind with the love of virtue and 
religion ; though a delightful is a very arduous 
talk. Favoured, as we are, with public fchools, 
academies, and other literary inftitutions, we may 
hope " that our fans may be as plants grown up in 
their youth ; that our daughters may be as corner Jlones^ 
poUjhed, after thkJimiUtiide of a palace.''* 

But however polifhed and enlightened a people 
may be^ they cannot expeft long to enjoy either 
freedom or profperity unlefs they are virtuous. — « 
We therefore add, zd. That the pra6tice of moral 
virtue, or religion, is effential to the profperity, if 
tiot to the exiftence of a free government. Where 
the authority of God is treated with contempt, and 
the great principles of morality and religion are 
difregarded, it mull be e^cpe^ed that the vile paf- 



fions will triumph and reign ; and inftead of ration* 
ai liberty nothing will remain but an unbounded 
licentioufnefs. 

Public confidence always attaches to moral prin- 
ciple J and hence in the fame proportion this is vi. 
tiated, that is weakened. 1 appeal to the good 
fenfe of this enlightened audience, whether you can 
poflibly repofe the fame confidence in a man who 
convinces you that he has no belief in the moral 
perfedlons of the Deity, and who does not feel 
himfelf accountable to fuch a Being, as in one who 
gives evidence that he a6:s under the influence of 
religious principle, and with a view" to a day of final 
retribution ? 

If we look back into the remoteft depths of Jew- 
ifh antiquity, we ihall find their mofl dlllinguifhed 
Patriarchs aclhig under the influence of this princi^ 
pie ; and not unfrequently appealing to an invifible 
Power, to confirm and give folemnity to their fo- 
cial tranfa£tions. The fame fentiment prevailed im 
tile Pagan world, 

Amphidym', by whofe eloquence ^d addrefs the 
Gteciair cities v/ere firfl: prevailed upon to unite for 
their common fafety, was fo fully convinced, that 
*« thofe political connections are the moft Iafl:ing, 
which are fl:rengthened by religion," that he com-- 
mitted to the council at Therfnopyl<B^ the care of the 
Delphian Temple. 

The religion of the Bible, above all others, has a 
peculiar tendency to cement and ftrengthen the 
bands of fociety, and promote the happlnefs of 
mankind. It inculcates the pureft precepts, and 
exemplifies the mofl: amiable virtues^. Every man, 
let his rank in fociety bs what it may, will here find 

bis 



kk duty plainly pointed out, and illuft^ated l^y ex- 
;imple. 

From the hiftory given of the Jewifli people, and 
the different chara6lers of their civil rulers, the' 
magiftrates of other nations may derive the moft 
interefting lelTons of inflru6lion. They will find, 
that thofe who ruled in integ;rity and uprightnefs, 
and walked in the fear of the Lokd, were blefTed 
iji their adminiftradons, and their people wereprof- 
perous and happy. On the other hand, thofe whp 
dilregarded the counfels of heaven, and chofe out 
t;heir own ways, generally involved themfelves and 
the nation in calamity and ruin. 

"When a virtuous pious Prince was upon the 
throne, it frequently produced an immediate efiecl 
upon the manners and moral character of the peo- 
ple. What a furprifing and happy change was of- 
ten vifible ! The monuments of idolatry were de- 
ftroyed, and the worfhip of the true Gcd reftored. 
The temple doors which had been clo^d, were 
opened, the f^nftuary cleanfed, and the fire which 
had gone out rekindled upon their altars. The 
Priefts^nd Levites, who had fled to their fields, 
were invited back, and placed in their courfes, and 
the fervice of the houfe of the Lord fet in order. 

What was the confequence of all this ? Univer- 
fal joy an4 g;ladnefs. Righteoufnefs, peace, and 
tranquility reigned throughout the nation. 

Whenever their government fell into the hands 
of wicked idolatrous rulers, their pernicious prin- , 
ciples and example, like a contagious leaven, would 
feem to run through the whole lump. The peo^ 
pie would relapfe agaifl into idolatry^ and vice and 
irreligion triumph. Perhaps 



Perhaps it may be aiked, whether this people 
might not, upon the whole, have been as free an4 
happy without any religion as with ? Or whether 
the worfhipping the true God rather than Baal had 
a tendency to promote their national profperity f 
Their hiftory Ihall furnifti the anfwer. God for- 
bid, that we (hould make the experiment, as it may 
be attended with very dangerous confequenees ! 

The following account will ferve to illuflrate the 
idea : When the ten tribes revolted from the fami- 
ly of Davidf they fet up Jeroboam, the fon of Nebat, 
who made Ifrael to fin. After his death we have th^ 
following account given by the facred hiftorian :— * 
^' Now for a long time Ifrael hath been without the 
true God, without a teaching priejl, and without 
law*^ This bore a ftrong refemblance to what in 
modern times is called the *' age ofreafon." What 
a happy fituation this people mufl: have thought 
themfelves in ? Delivered from all fear and dread 
of that holy, jud Being, whom we call God ! Not 
only fo, but they were freed from the intolerable 
burden and impofmg dogmas of ^ teaching prie/i. 
This facred clafs of men were deemed entirely ufe- 
Jefs, and were either djfmifled or driven from the 
fanOiuary. And to complete this happy flate of 
things, they were alfo without law. No reflraint 
from any quarter. What, no God ! No prieft { 
No law ! Then (:orifequently no future accounta- 
bility ! This was liberty worthy the name. What 
an immenfe harvefi: of felicity was now ripening be- 
fore them ? Could they poffibly fail of being the 
happiefl people in the world, when every obftacle 
wa.s fo entirely removed out of the way ? We ap- 
peal 



peal to experience and fa£t, thofe great detedors of 
human errors, for an anfwer. They declare with 
great folemnity, that " in thofe times there ivas no 
peace to him that went out nor to him that came in ; 
but great vexations were upon all the inhabitants of 
the countries ; and nation was deflroyed of nation^ 
and city of city ; for God did vex them with all advert 

This is no more than what might be reafonably 
expeded : For when a people give up their reli* 
gion, and renounce the authority of God, they will 
not hefitate to overleap all bounds of laW and mo- 
rality, and deftroy one another. 

From this brief fpecimen it appears, that the fo^ 
cial order and happinefs of a community depend 
eflentially on the influence of moral principle ; and 
we may venture to fay, fhould this be deflroyed, 
exterior force can never fupply its place. Without 
|t, we (hall never practice that " righteoufnefs which 
exalteth a nation ;" but fhall inevitably fall into 
;hofe '* fms which are the reproach of any people." 

There never has been a people, fmce the tribes 
ranfomed from Egyptian bondage, under greater 
obligations to their God than we are ; and fhould 
we bafely apoftatize from our holy religion, and ufe 
our Hberty only y^r a cloke of malicioufnefs, we muft 
exped fonie chofen curfe will purfue us to final 
luin. 

But in a world like this, neither innocency nor 
uprightnefs will always preferve a people from the 
defigns of avarice and ambition. 

We, therefore, add 3d, Another mean of prc- 
ferving our liberty and of promoting our profperity 
i§ tfte powsr we polTefs of defending ourfelves. 

Without 



Without the means of felf-defence, the liberties of 
a people can never be fafe. A ftate of weaknefs 
always invites aggreflion. Ambitious men feldom 
want a pretext to plunder and dellroy fuch as have 
not the power of refiftance. Popular governments 
have been fuppofed lefs capable of felf-defence, 
than thofe of a monarchical form ; becaufe it is 
thought to be more difficult to colledl their ener- 
gies, and dire£t them to any certain point. Hence 
the deftiny of our Republic has often been predift- 
• ed by the fate of others. It has been fuppofed that 
the feeds of mortality are fown in the conftitution 
©fall Republics, that they grow with their growth, 
and ftreng-then with their llrength, and that their 
early diflfolution follows of courfe. But this is not 
true as applied to them in particular. No human 
government is exempt from difafter and change. 
Should it be afked, where are thofe republics of 
Greece and Ro?7ie^ which make fuch a figure in an- 
cient hiftory ? In reply, I would alk, where are 
thofe mighty monarchies which were raifed on their 
ruins ? The Grecian repubhcs, retained their free- 
dom for feven centuries ; whereas the monarchy, 
which by the arms of Alexander was extended over 
great part of the known world, fcarcely outlived 
its founder. The republic of Rome, after the ex- 
pulfion of Tarquin^ maintained its liberties for five 
hundred years. Nor did the empire, though one 
of the nioft powerful and defpotic that ever exifted, 
continue longer. It commenced nearly with the 
chriflian era, was divided in the beginning of the 
4th century, by Conjiantine, and in the fifth, wholly 
fubvcrted, and a barbarous Chieftain feated on the 

throne 



M 

throne of the Ccefars. The caiifes which brought 
on the ruin of Sparta^ Carthage^ and Rome itfelf, 
are too well known to require a recital on this oc- 
cafion. 

It mull here be remembered, however, that our 
republic differs eflentially, in its conftitution and 
genius, from all others, both ancient and modern. 
Had the Grecian dates, inftead of their Jmphictyon 
Council, formed a permanent government like ours, 
t-hey could not have been pra£tifed upon feparately, 
ind ruined by the infidioils arts of Philip, of MaC" 
edorte But, my brethren, we are bleffed with a gov- 
ernment which combines energy with freedom. 
God hath alfo put in our power ample means of 
defence ; and we may hope, under the aufpices of 
an indulgent Providence, long to enjoy our pre- 
cious privileges. 

When we look back to that perilous moment 
when we firft aflfumed the attitude of felf-defence, 
and compare our prefent fituation and refourees 
with what they then were, gratitude and joy rufh 
in upon our fouls, and conftrain us to fay, " the 
Lord hath done great things for us, whereof we 
are glad." 

We are by the providence of God, at this time, in 
the honorable and quiet poflelTion of a country o£ 
vaft extent and fertility. Our foil, luxuriant as 
the land of Nik ; and our atmofphere, pure as 
that which furrounded the famed Helicon, The 
wide Atlantic laves our eaftern board, and forms 
one barrier to the progrefs of invafion j and at the 
fame time wafts to our fhores the fruits and trea- 
fures of every clime. On its bays and inlets our 
anci«jit towns and citi«-s are planted, Here, the 

bufy 



24 

bufy multitude throng ; and tra4e, and commerce 
colhd their immeiife ftores cf wealth. Here, ele- 
gance and refinement unite their powers, to pleafe 
the imagination and improve the heart. 

On the weftj the M'i[JiJipp\ rolls in majedic gran- 
deur ; and by receiving the waters of the Ohio into 
its bofom, opens a communication of vaft extent in- 
to thofe fertile recrions. Here, the wildernefs is 
turned into a fruitful field, and golden harvefls 
fmile in the rays of a fetting fun. Where the Sav- 
age lately purfued his nimble chafe, we now behold 
large towns and flourlfhing villages, adorned with 
temples facred to religion, and crowded with devoiit 
and adoring worfhippers of the Lamb. 

No confiderable part of our extenfive territory, 
but what is capable under the hand of cultivation j 
of yielding fubfiftence for maii. 

Were we to rife with the morning fun, and trav- 
el on its rays round the globe, we (hould not find a 
nation more diflingulflied by its blefTmgs than our 
own. Every uneafy thought therefore muft be 
deemed ingratitude, and every murmur rebellion 
againfl heaven. 

Should a foreign enemy attempt to invade our 
country, he would meet a phalanx of veterans more 
impenetrable than walls of granate. Our depen- 
dance is not on foreign auxiliaries or mercenary 
aid ; but under God, we rely on the fkill and bra- 
very of our own citizens. Do we need Ihips of 
war ? Our own immenfe forefls, our forges and 
work-fhops furnifh the materials ; and our fkilfu! 
artizans conftruct them in a manner, equal, if not 
fuperior to any which float on the bofom of the 

deep. 



ieep. indeed, every article neceflary in the whole 
apparatus of war^ is, or may be furnilhed by our- 
felves. It is not then to be believed, that five milU 
ion? of people^ breathing the air of freedom and 
tailing her joys, inured to hardy enterprize, and 
lords of the foil they cultivate, can ever be conquer- 
ed by any foreign foe, unlefs thejiars in their cour- 
fes fight againft them. 

With fuch immenfe and increafing refources, 
feur only danger arifes from the abufe of our liber- 
ty, which was the laft thing in the method to be at- 
tended to. 

Permit me briefly to obferve On two or three par- 
ticialars. The right of private judgment j or whit 
is commonly called libercy of confcience, is one of 
our dearefl: privileges. This right is unalienable in 
its nature. For the enjoyment of this, our fore- 
fathers left their friends and country, and fought an 
afylum in this then howling wildernefs. But pre- 
cious as this privilege is, it is liable to abufe. A 
very malicious defign may be concealed under the 
tloke of religious liberty. It is to be feared that 
many^ under this pretence, are in reality pppofing 
and endeavouring to deftroy all religion. Some by 
denying, others by corrupting its important doc- 
trines and inftitutions. This is an abufe too for 
which there is no legal remedy. It feems to be be* 
yond the jurifdiction of the civil magiftrate* Ac- 
cording to our context, his power extends only to 
the punijh?iient of evil doers, and not erroneous or 
heretical opinions. He that undertakes to decide 
on another's fmcerity, ought certainly to know his 
heart ; other ways j in attempting to root out thefc 
faresy he will be in danger of deftroying the wheat, 
D I know 



2$ 

* 

I know of nothing but light thit will remove dark-* 
nefs ; nor any antidote to error but truth. If men 
will abufe their chriftian liberty, they muft anfwer 
it to God. 

Another important privilege, is the right of eledV- 
ing our own civil rulers. This is the diftinguifhing 
criterion of a free government. But we are in 
great danger of abufing this privilege ; and efpeci- 
ally at fuch a- feafon a? the prefentj when party 
fpirit is wrought up to its higheft pitch. When we 
fuffer our prejudices and paflrons to influence our 
choice 'y when our judgment and cbnfcience are 
facrificed at the fhrine of party zeal ; when we pafs' 
over tried meiif, and prefer an unworthy candidate 
becauie he is of a particular party ; do we not then 
atbufe our liberty I If our elections are biafled and 
coiTupted, our government will be corrupt, and, 
confequently, our liberty will be endangered. 

I add once more,' The right to- inveftigate the 
official conduQr of all public agents, and in a re^ 
fpeftful decent manner to publifli our opinions of 
them, is one of the privileges of a free people. But, 
when under this pretence, we calumniate and af- 
perfe the characters of our rulers, and endeavour to 
expofe ^fhem to public contempt, this is a very ma- 
licious and dangerous abufe of our liberty. It is 
noteafy to calculate the extent of this mifchief; 
for by traducing their charafters, and mifreprefent- 
ing their motives and meafures, we deftroy public 
confidence, and prepare the minds of the lefs in- 
formed part of the community for complete oppo- 
fition and revolt. This abufe has alfo another bad 
effedl : It tends to alienate one citizen from another, 
and kindle the flame of difcord thoughout the na- 
tion. "^ Ta 



To guard againft this, we need only to refle(3t,' 
that our national fafety and profperity depend chief" 
ly upon our union. So long as we continue virtu* 
ous and united, we have little to fear. But Ihould 
patient Heaven, offended by our aggravated provo- 
cations, give us up to a fpirit of national diil:ra£tion 
and difcord, our ruin would be fpeedy and inevitable. 

The fate of all preceding Repubhcs, and the 
caufes which accelerated their ruin, have been rq* 
corded by the faithful hiflorian. Signals alfo have 
been placed on all the rocks and fhoals on which 
they foundered, to give us the friendly warning. I 
have been trying to read the infcriptions on thefe 
monuments, but can make out diflindiy only the 
three following words, which feem to have been 
written in capitals, LUXURY, EFFEMINACY, 
and DISUNION. «' United we ftand, divided 
we fall." This was our motto in thofe " times 
T^hlch tried men's fouls." The fentiment is equal- 
ly important at this time. Young Sampfon's great 
(Irength, we are told, lay iafeven locks united in 
one head j but ours in st venteem. If we fufFer 
them to be fhorn, or a part cut o|f, our ftrength 
will moft certainly depart from us. 

Is it not then the duty of every friend to his 
country to difcountenance every attempt to alien- 
ate one part of our citizens from another ? Who- 
ever endeavours to induce the belief, that the in- 
terefts of one State are incompatible with thofe »of 
another, or with the interefts of the whole, ought 
to be confidered, at leaft, as a very doubtful friend. 

But it may be faid, the fpeaker is only oppofnig 
a " man of flraw." I could wifli indeed we had 
good reafon to think io» But has all which has 

beeii 



♦I 

been (aid and done been without meaning ? If fo| 
it ought to have been fupprefled. I am fure many 
well-informed perfons* have been ferioufly alarmed 
at the progrefs of party difafFedion ; and have fear, 
ed left fome untoward circumftance (hould provoke 
the mad attempt to divide our hitherto happy Re«» 
public. Should we once begin the work of fepa^ 
ration, God knows where it may end, and what the 
confequences may be. It will be remembered that 
the imprudent condu£t of Rehoboam^ urged on by 
the impetuous zeal of the young men who were 
about him, caufed ten tribes to revolt from the 
houfe of David. "What was the confequence ? A 
civil war j in which half a million fell by the fword ! 
The greateft flaughter, which, perhaps, has ever 
been in a fingle battle fince the world began. 

The danger of difunion, which we are confider* 
ing, was contemplated by our late beloved Wash- 
ington, and a moft folemn warning given us ia 
his farewell addrefs. Permit me to enrich my dift 
courfe with a paragraph from it. " The unity of 
government, (faith he) which conftitutes you one 
people, is alio now dear to you. It is juftly fo ; 
for it is the main pillar in the edifice of your real 
independence ; the fupport of your tranquillity at 
home, your peace abroad ; of your fafety, of your 
profperity ; of that very liberty which you fo high- 
ly prize. But, as it is eat'y to forefee, that froni 
different quarters much pains will be taken, many 
artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the 
convidion of this truth ; as this is the point in your 
political fortrefs, againft which the batteries of in- 
ternal 

« Sec Governor Trumbull's Speech, at the openiog of the Ctn^ 
rttflteut Affcmbly in Odtobcr laft. 



ternal and external enemies will be moft conftantly 
and adively (though often covertly and infidioufly) 
directed, it is of infinite moment that you (hould 
properly eftimate the immenfe value of your nation* 
al union to your colledive and individual happinefs j 
that you Ihould cherifh a cordial, habitual and im. 
moveable attachment to it; accufloming yourfelves 
to think and fpeak of it as of the palladium of your 
political fafety and profperity; watching for its 
prefervation with jealous anxiety ; difcountenanc-^ 
ing whatever may fugged even a fufpicion that it 
can in any eyent be abandoned ; and indignantly 
frowning upon the firfl dawning of ap attempt to 
alienate any portion of our country from the reft, 
or to enfeeble the facred ties which now link to. 
gether the various parts." This feafonable advice, 
it is hoped, will have its weight. You will remem- 
ber that though dead, he yetfpeaketh. 

Nor can a doubt be entertained, but his worthy 
fucceffor, our late excellent Prefident, held the fame 
fentiment with regard to our union j and had he 
addrefied the people when retiring from office, we 
ipay prefume he would have exhorted us to cleave 
to our federal union as the " fheet-anchor*' of our 
hopes. 

permit me to add, that whatever difference of 
opinion there may be in other refpeds, our prefent 
Chief Magiflrate, in his inaugural fpeech, has re- 
commended the fame important fentiment with pe- 
culiar feeauty and energy. But I am not infenfible, 
that, conHdering the divided flate of public opinion, 
I am here venturing on a point of very great delica- 
cy ; and yet to pafs wholly unnoticed the Federal 

Adminiflration, 



Adminiftration, which has been conftantly mention* 
ed on all fimilar occafions, might be deemed difre* 
fpeftful to the conllituted authorities of our coun- 
try. I do not, however, feel myfelf authorized, e;* 
ther to eulogize or to cenfure. 

It is but juft to obfsrvp, that our prefent Chief 
Mngljlrate, as well as his predeceflbrs, was among 
the firft afierters of our freedom and indepen^ 
dence. At this early period, his djftinguifhed talents 
and patriotifm, procured him the efteem and con- 
fidence of his fellow citizens. When we add to 
this, the many important offices he has fulfained 
with reputation, both in his own State and under 
the General Government, we Ihall not doubt his 
ability to conduct our public affairs, in fuch a man^ 
ner as fhall promote our profperity, and do honor 
to the American charader. 

It will not be denied that the prefent adminiftra^ 
tlon differs in fome important points from the pre- 
ceding ; and that a new order of things in fome re- 
fpeds is taking place. What the final effect v/ill be 
upon our political happlnefs and profperity muft be 
left for time to determine. I will only add, our re- 
ligious as well as our political fentiments, oblige us 
to "give cuilom to whom cuftom, and honor to 
whom honor is due." •% 

It is confidently hoped, that the dillingulfhed 
rank which this Commonwealth has hitherto held 
in the American union, will be maintained with in- 
creafmg influence and fplendor. That our citizens 
may be as remarkable for the pra£lice of moral 
virtue, as for their regard to rational liberty and fo- 
cial order j and that we may ever be indulged with 

the 



il 

{lie propitious fmiles of that gracious Providence, - 
which has hitherto direded our deftiny. Happy 
mdeed fhall we be, if our. heavenly Parent may fay 
of us as of Ifrael of old j '' They feek me daily, and 
delight to know my ways, as a nation that did right- 
eoufnefs, and forfook not thfe ovdmance of their 
God; they alk of me the ordinances of juftice ; 
they take delight ill approaching unfo God." "Hap- 
py is that people that is in fuch a cafe, yea happy 
Js that people whofe God is the Lo rd/' 

The pleafures of this interefting anniverfary, 
which collects together fo many of our civil and re- 
ligious Fathers, are greatly heightened by the pre- 
fence of thtChief Magijhate of our Commonwealth. 
Whilfl decency forbids* adulation, it is prefumed 
that every good man efteems the approbation of 
his friends, next to that of his own confcience. 
And although he does not feek their applaufe, yet 
it mufl: afford him pleafure to know, that his endea- 
vours to ferve their intereils have not been unac- 
eeptable. 

The increafing marks of efleem and confidence, . 
manifefted in the late eledion, are the befl eulogy^ 
upon his Excelkncfs pail adminiflration. He will 
pleafe to accept our fmcere congratulations on his 
re-eleaion to the important office he fuftains. Ev- 
ery clafs of citizens look up to him with an embol- 
dened confidence, that he will cherifli their interefts, 
and confider himfelf with his people, as a father 
with his children. They have the fulleft fatisfac- 
tion, that his authority and example will be united 
m fupporting good order, in encouraging and pro- 
teding virtue and religion ; and in promoting every 
meafure which fhail tend to the general intereft of 
the people. it 



it muft be pleadng to his Excellency to reflea^ 
that by their own choice he prefides over a free 
people ; and he may be affured that he cannot enjoy 
greater jjleafufe in ferving them, than they do in 
honoring him. That his Ekcellency*s life and health 
may be preferved, and that he may be enabled to 
difcharge the difficult ddties of his exalted Ration 
to acceptance, our fervent prayer fhall be offered up 
continually to Almighty God on his behalf; that 
when his term of fervice on earth fhall be complete 
ed, he may be received to the immortal felicities 
and rewards of the heavenly ftate. 

His Honor the Lieutenant Governsr eled, will in- 
dulge us to exprefs the fatisfactlon we feel, in his 
ele<9:ion to the fecond office in the gift of the people 
of this Commonwealthi From his long acquaint- 
ance with our public affairs, as well as from his tal- 
ents and patriotifm, ve have full confidence in his 
affiftance and co-operafion v/ith the Executive, in 
all the important concerns of the gcrvernment. He 
will remember that he is to fill a place which has 
lately been rendered vacant by the death of one of 
the mofl amiable and befl of men. Aman in whoni 
«* political wifdom, patriotic virtue," and undiffem- 
bled piety all united and fhone. 

While the life of the deceafed rtiay ferve as an 
example to his fucceffor, his death will admonifh 
him of the end of all human greatnefs. With fuch 
an example before him, may his public career be 
equally honorable to himfelf, and acceptable to the 
multitude of his brethren. 

The Honorable Councili ftare in our tefpedful 
attention, as an affiftant branch in, the executive 
department of our government, The 



Th« elevated ftatlon they fill, as well as their own 
perfonal qualities, entitle them to our efteem and 
veneration. . We repofe great confidence in their 
candor and integrity in thofe cafesi where their ad- 
Vice and confent may be required 5 efpecially in the 
appointment of pgrfons to office. That they will 
feel themfelves above the reach of party influence, 
and will recommend the claims of merit, arifing 
from fitnefs of charader, rather than thofe of inter- 
tft and ambition. 

We have oiily to add our befi wiihes, that, whilft: 
they eflentieJly aid the interefts of government, they 
may alib by their example give encouragement to 
the caufe of religion; and like that honorable 
Counfellor of Ar'ufiathea^ may they be willing, not 
bnly to lend their tombs to Jesus if Heeded, but 
may they confecrate their hearts for his throne. 

The Honorable Gentlemen compofing the two 
Branches of the LegiJIaiure^ will permit us to ex- 
J>refs the lively intereft we feel in thfe repeated 
marks of refpe£b with which their friends have hon- 
ored them ; but efpecially in their prefent appoint«i 
ment. By accepting this confidential truft, they 
pledge themfelves to the faithful difcharge of it. 

The duty of legiflation is at all times difficult, 
and often perplexing. It is rendered peculiarly fd 
at this time, by the divided ftate of public opinion. 
It would favor of an intolerant fpirit to fuppofe, that 
good men may not be aiming to promote the fame 
objeft, while they differ in the means beft calculate 
ed to attain it. Mutual candor and forbearance, 
therefore, will be neceffary, in order to preferve 
peace, and promote the public welfare* 
/ E It 



34 • 

It is reafonably cxpcGed that our honored Rulcw^ 
in the whole of their condu6k as legiflators, will be 
governed by the great principles of juftice and be- 
nevolence J and that every other intereft will be 
fubordinated to the public good. That they will 
enforce by example, what they inculcate by precept. 

In all their attempts to aid the interefts of mo? 
yality and religion, great care will be taken not 
to infringe the r/^i&/j of confcience, Thefe ought to 
be held facred as the prohibited tree in the garden 
of Eden, and the Jiaming /word thanld be employed 
only to guard the way. What Pindar faid of Ma? 
giftrates, may be applied on the prefent occafion. 
^* Be juft, faid he, in all your aftions, faithful in all 
your words, and remember that thoufands of wit- 
jieifes have their eyes upon you." 

Many are the motives to fidelity, but none more 
weighty than the confideration of future accounta« 
bility. Under thefe folemn imprelTions, our hon- 
ored Rulers will attend to the important duties of 
this day, and during their continuance in office. Ir^ 
theji" mofl zealous deliberations they will not forget, 
that "God (tandeth in the congregation of the 
mighty, and judgeth among the gods." May all 
their public tranfadions tend to promote the various 
interefts of the Commonwealth j and to ftrengtheu 
the bonds of our National Union, And after hav- 
ing ferved their generation according to the will of 
OoD, when they ihall fall afleep, may they be gath- 
ered to their fathers in peace. 

Ye venerable Minijiers of the San^uary ; ye fer- 
vants of the moft High God j who fhow unto men 
the way of falv^tion. While our civil rulers, who 

have 



have invited us this day to the houfe of God, coiir. 
tinue to reverence the inftitutions of religion, ancl 
to refped and honor its minifters ; you will not 
ceafe daily to offer up interceflions and prayers fgr 
all that are in authority. Nor will you ceafe tg 
'' put the people in mind to be fubjed to prhicipal* 
ities and powers, to obey magiflrates, and to be rea- 
dy to every good work." And m;:y Gop Almigh- 
ty blefs your unwearied labors ot love. 

Fellow citizens of this refpedable audience. Hoyr 
greatj and how precious the privileges we enjoy | 
While fo many of our fellow beings inhabit the dark, 
regions of flavery and defpotifm ; and bow with 
degrading reverence before fame lordly tyrant, whcs 
fits upon a throne of ebony, fwaying an iron i'cep- 
^re J we have the peculiar felicity to live under a free 
government. Our rulers are of ouri'elves, and our 
governors proceed from the inidft oi us. When 
thus cloathed with power, we are bound to honor 
them as the minifters of God, who exercife their 
ijuthority not for their own emolument, but for the 
public good. Let us therefore endeavour to ftrength- 
en their hands, by a cordial acquielcence in every 
nieafure promotive of our common interelt. If we 
donotproted our laws, our laws will not pro ted 
ijs. By our civil and religious habits let us Ihew to 
the world that Americans are worthy of freedom. 

Be careful hov/ you entertain unreafonable jea- 
loulies and fufpicions of your old and long tried 
friends. But when you hear a man, whole integri- 
ty and talents never introduced him to public no- 
tice, faying, " Oh that 1 were made judge in the land;'* 
although his face may be as fair as Abfakrn's, you 

have 



.3^ 

have reafon to fufped that there are ** fcven abom» 
illations in his heart/* I feel a perfuafion, my fel» 
low citizens, that you are from principle attached 
to our republican fyltem ; and that you would op- 
pofe with energy and firmnefs any attempts to 
change it. Should any furious demagogue hereaf- 
ter prefume to play the tyrant, and by any unconfti^ 
tutional meafures place himfelf in the chair of ftate, 
jhould we tamely fubmit to it ? No, the fpirit of 
the American people would rife indignant, and hurl 
the wretch from his feat, and turn him out to graze 
as the Chaldeans did Nebuchadnezzar, 

Brethren, ''you havebeen called unto liberty,onIy 
afe not your liberty for an occafion to the flefh, but 
by love ferve one another.'* Cherifli therefore all 
thofe friendly affedions which unite man with man, 
and fweeten the pleafures of focial life. Above all 
things let the gofpel of the grace of God rule iii 
your hearts. If you are made free from civil tyran- 
ny and oppreffion, never fulFer yourfelves to be the 
flaves of fin. No fervitude caii be more degrading. 
Btit having obtained redemption through the blood 
of Christ, even the forgivenefs of fms, let us 
** ftand faft in the liberty wherewith he hath made 
us free, and not be entangled again with the yoke 
of bondage." And will the God of Abraham, of 
Ifaac, and of Ifrael ; the God of our Fathers, de- 
light to dwell with us and blefs u$, and be our Cou 
ixow and evermore ^ AMSiTn 



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